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G. Zinoviev

The Central Committee of
the International Communist Party
on the IV. World Congress

(November 1922)

Source: International Press Correspondence, Vol. 2 No. 99, 16 November 1922, pp. 791–793.
On-line Publication: Zinoviev Internet Archive, January 2021.
Transcription/Mark-up: Einde O’Callaghan for the Marxists’ Internet Archive.

The communists form an international party. The task undertaken by the Communist International from its first foundation has been the creation of an international communist organization, established on definite lines, and led from one centre on the plan of democratic centralism. Here lies one of the essential differences between the Comintern and the II. International, which even in its best days was never more than an inadequately organized federation of national parties insufficiently connected with one another.

When we review the activity of the Comintern in its relation to the coming IV Congress, we can by no means maintain that the III International has already succeeded in fully performing the task set. The difficulties besetting the way are still enormous. Any co-worker of a large labor party is aware how difficult it is to establish the right relations between centre and periphery even within the limits of one country. And how much more difficult is this task when it is a question of the more than 50 parties belonging to the Comintern. The federalistic traditions bequeathed by the II International to the international labor movement are much stronger than might be imagined. It is only with the greatest trouble, and in the course of practical fighting, that these traditions will be overcome; now they hang like leaden weights on the feet of the international proletariat, hindering their successful attainment of the final goal.

The statutes and first important resolutions of the Comintern express in themselves an immediate and decided rejection of the simplified and hypertrophied centralism. The founders of the Comintern were however fully aware how far centralism can go when applied internationally. Experience has shown that the results of the activity of the Comintern are more successful from year to year. And today, during the 4th year of existence of the Communist International, its executive committee is on the road to becoming an actual International Central Committee of the Communist Party, with organizations covering almost the entire globe.

We here publish a few figures and facts on the activity of the Executive Committee of the Communist International during the interval between the 3rd and 4th congresses of the Comintern. These data (a detailed digest of these data, most efficiently treated by Comrade Tivel, will probably be published as a special pamphlet) are intended to show that the Executive Committee really begins to be worthy of the designation: “International Central Committee of the Communist Party.”

In the interval between the 3rd and 4th congresses, that is, within 15 months, the Executive has held 30 sessions. The total number of participators in these sessions (repeated participation being counted) is 1,032. Those attending the sessions were approximately the same persons to the extent of one half. The total number of questions treated at the sessions of the Executive was 144, of which 97 were purely political in character, and 47 were questions of organization and administration. The number of delegations appointed by the Executive for the various countries, in the name of the Comintern, is 9. (The majority of delegations were not appointed by the Executive, but by the Presidium; delegations are only chosen by the Executive in especially important cases.) During the period of which this report treats, 25 important resolutions were passed relating to the various countries. The most important proclamations and open letters confirmed by the Executive Committee itself amounted to 21. 31 commissions were appointed by the Executive itself. Almost all these commissions consist of 7 to 9 persons. Each one of these commissions forms in reality an actual international “germ cell”, comprising as it does, almost invariably, representatives of 5 to 6 different parties.

The following table shows the number of times each separate country was placed on the agenda:

It must further be added that during the period between the 3rd and 4th congresses two sessions of the Extended Executive of the Comintern, at which all parties were doubly represented, were held. Enlarged sessions of the Executive are not provided for in the statutes, but actual party life has called them into being. Both sessions were attended by the best leaders of the communist movement in all countries, and were able to perform highly useful practical work. There is no doubt whatever that the practice of holding enlarged sessions will take firm hold, and will prove of great utility.

The activity of the Executive Presidium is of equal importance. In many respects the work done by the Presidium has been decisive. The number of sessions held by the Presidium between the 3rd and 4th congresses was 75 (these data are not quite exact, the statistics having been worked through until 6. Oct only). 735 questions were treated at these sessions. The number of those present, including the specially invited representatives of the various parties, was 1,152. Here it must of course be recollected that several persons have been counted twice, whilst the main boody of the Presidium remained unaltered. The number of members of the presidency was 7 to 9 at most, but at the meetings 20 or even 30 persons were present, as when the question under discussion involved the party of this or that country; it was natural that comrades from the country in question were invited, so that the matter could receive enlightenment from all sides.

The questions treated by the presidency come under the following categories;

The separate countries treated were:

The number of delegates and delegations sent to the various countries in accordance with resolutions passed by the presidency was 54. The number of commissions whose formation was decided upon by the presidency, and who occupied themselves chiefly with questions arising out of the movement in different countries, was 129. Each of these commissions consisted as a rule of 3 to 5 comrades from the parties of the various countries, and also represented an important “germ cell”. Each of these commissions is a small international in itself, and at the same time a severe school.

These are most important figures characterizing the activity of the leading organ of the Comintern during the last 15 months.

Our international organ was for the first time successful in carrying through 3 large and comprehensive international campaigns, in a more or leas satisfactory manner: 1. The campaign associated with the united front tactics; 2. The campaign resultant on the SR. Trial and 3. The campaign for famine aid in Russia. All this represents of course a mere beginning, a first hesitating step. But it is of importance that the beginning has been made. When it is added that the Executive of the Comintern is widely ramified, and that its activity is closely bound up with the work of the Profintern, the International Youth, the International Women’s Section, the Cooperative Section, the International Labor Famine Aid, the Sport Section, the language groups, etc., it will be seen that the work increases constantly in extent.

Actual working practice in our International Central Committee has shown the necessity of some serious reforms. The 4th Congress will devote attention to these reforms. It is probable that the Executive will have to create a number of sections: for organization, for agitation, etc. after the manner of the sections of the central committee of the Russian CP. It is also possible that the Executive will find itself obliged to create an or-bureau and a pol-bureau, such as exist not only in the R.C.P., but in the communist parties of many other lands.

The Comintern does not regard its Executive Committee as a commission for making agreements only, but as a leading organ. It is only natural that the Executive Committee should be obliged to “interfere” in the affairs of almost all the parties belonging to the International. The executive of the Comintern and its presidency have dozens of times treated in detail, the most important questions appearing on the agenda of the French, Italian, Czecho-Slovakian, and other great parties, during the year of this report. The statistics above quoted demonstrate this clearly. The “record figures” apply to just those countries in which the party has undergone crises and internal conflicts during this time.

The Executive of the Comintern has taken active part in the preparations for every congress and conference of its largest parties. The theses and resolutions intended to be laid before the congresses of this or that party have as a rule been first submitted to the Executive of the C.I. or to the Presidium. Representatives of the Executive Committee have taken part in nearly all important congresses of the sections of the Comintern giving spiritual direction to these congresses. The Presidium of the Executive Committee has been enabled to gain a fairly exact knowledge of the personality of the leadership of our most important parties. The E.C. has been energetic in its endeavours to further the political initiative of those sections compelled to face particularly complicated situations. The Executive and the presidency have devoted special attention to the young parties taking their first steps in the direction of political mass fighting! With the co-operation of the EC organized political parties and groups have been formed, within the last 15 months, in such countries as Japan, China, India, Turkey, Egypt, and Persia, that is, in countries possessing only very small circles of followers at the time of the 3rd Congress. These parties are still weak in numbers, but the kernel is at least formed. In 1883 the group for “Liberation of Labor” in Russia was also only a very small one ...

Thee actual formation of the International Central Committee of the Communist organizations of the world is a mighty evidence of progress. The enlightened workers of the whole world are learning to appreciate its value more and more, in proportion to the increasing difficulties presented by the struggle with the bourgeoisie, and to the growing ruthlessness of the attacks of international capitalism and reaction. The very slightest attempt to degrade the Executive of the Comintern to the role played by the International Socialist Bureau in the Second International, that is, the role of a simple commission for drawing up agreements, or of mere information office, or indeed of a mere “letter-box” – any such attempt must meet with obstinate resistance on the part of all such parties of the Comintern as are worthy of being taken seriously, and will certainly meet with such resistance. Such attempts to transfer the usages and customs of the II International to the Comintern have been recently made by some elements of the French party. There is no doubt that the 4th Congress will decisively condemn these attempts.

The international bourgeoisie cannot be conquered without the aid of a united, organized, and systematically working international proletarian centre. It is not even possible to take measures likely to succeed in any great degree against the wild campaigns of the capitalists, or against the innumerable betrayals of social democracy, if the Comintern abandons any essential feature of the basic principles laid down in its most important programmatic documents. The international communist movement needs the support of a strong staff, of a mighty international central committee whose judgements are decisive. The communist parties of the whole world will create this staff, and will establish it firmly.

 
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