MR PRESIDENT,
IT being my turn to lecture, I beg to give some thoughts on this
important question, viz. Whether mankind, in society, reap all the advantages
from their natural and equal rights of property in land and liberty, which in
that state they possibly may, and ought to expect? And as I hope you, Mr
President, and the good company here, are sincere friends to truth, I am under
no apprehensions of giving offence by defending her cause with freedom.
That property in land and liberty among men, in a state of nature ought to
be equal, few, one would fain hope, would be foolish enough to deny.
Therefore, taking this to be granted, the country of any people, in a native
state, is properly their common, in which each of them has an equal property,
with free liberty to sustain himself and family
with the animals, fruits and other products thereof. Thus such a people reap
jointly the whole advantages of their country, or neighbourhood, without having
their right in so doing called in question by any, not even by the most selfish
and corrupted. For upon what must they live, if not upon the productions of
the country in which they reside? Surely, to deny them that right is, in
effect, denying them a right to live. Well, methinks some are now ready to say,
but is it lawful, reasonable and just, for this people to sell, or make a
present, even of the whole of their country, or common, to whom they will, to
be held by them and their heirs, even for ever?
To this I answer, If their posterity require no grosser materials to live
and move upon than air, it would certainly be very ill-natured, to dispute
their right of parting with what of their own, their posterity would never
have occasion for; but if their posterity cannot live but as grossly as they
do, the same gross materials must be left them to live upon. For a right to
deprive any thing of the means of living, supposes a right to deprive it of
life; and this right ancestors are not supposed to have over their posterity.
Hence it is plain that the land or earth, in any country or neighbourhood,
with every thing in or on the same, or pertaining thereto, belongs at all
times to the living inhabitants of the said country or neighbourhood in an
equal manner. For, as I said before, there is no living but on land and its
productions, consequently, what we cannot live without we have the same
property in, as in our lives.
Now as society ought properly to be nothing but a mutual agreement among
the inhabitants of a country, to maintain the natural rights and privileges of
one another against all opposers, whether foreign or domestic, it should lead
one to expect to find those rights and privileges, no further infringed upon,
among men pretending to be in that state, than necessity absolutely required.
I say again, it should lead one to think so. But I am afraid, whoever does will
be mightily mistaken. — However, as the truth here is of much importance
to be known, let it be boldly fought out; in order to which, it may not be
improper to trace the present method of holding land among men in society, from
its original.
If we look back to the origin of the present nations, we shall see that the
land, with all its appurtenances, was claimed by a few, and divided among
themselves, in as assured a manner as if they had manufactured it, and it had
been the work of their own hands; and by being unquestioned, or not called to
an account for such usurpations and unjust claims, they fell into a habit of
thinking, or, which is the same thing to the rest of mankind, of acting as if
the earth was made for or by them, and did not scruple to call it their own
property, which they might dispose of without regard to any other living
creature in the universe. Accordingly they did so; and no man, more than any
other creature, could claim a right to so much as a blade of grass, or a nut or
an acorn, a fish or a fowl, or any natural production whatever, though to save
his life, without the permission of the pretended proprietor; and not a foot of
land, water, rock or heath but was claimed by one or other of those lords; so
that all things, men as well as other creatures who lived, were obliged to owe
their lives to some or other's property, consequently they too like the brutes were
claimed; and certainly as properly as the wood herbs, &c., that were
nourished by the soil. And so we find, that whether they lived, multiplied,
worked or fought, it was all for their respective lords; and they, God bless
them, most graciously accepted of all as their due. For by granting the means
of life, they granted the life itself, and of course, they thought they had a
right to all the services and advantages that the life or death of the
creatures they gave life to could yield.
Thus the title of gods seems suitably enough applied to such great beings;
nor is it to be wondered at that no services could be thought too great by
poor, dependent, needy wretches to such mighty and all-sufficient lords, in
whom they seemed to live and move and have their being. Thus were the first
landholders usurpers and tyrants; and all who have since possessed their lands,
have done so by right of inheritance, purchase, &c. from them, and the
present proprietors, like their predecessors, are proud to own it; and like
them, too, they exclude all others from the least pretence to their respective
properties. And any one of them still can, by laws of their own making (for they are the landloards alone who make the laws),
oblige every living creature to remove from off his
property (which, to the great distress of mankind, is too oft put in
execution); so, of consequence, were all the landholders to be of one mind, and
determined to take their properties into their own hands, all the rest of
mankind might go to heaven if they would, for there would be no place found for
them here. Thus men may not live in any part of this world, not even where they
are born, but as strangers, and by the permission of the pretender to the
property thereof: which permission is for the most part paid extravagantly for,
and they are still advancing the terms of permission, though many people are so
straitened to pay the present demands, that it is believed in a short time, if
they hold on, there will be few to grant the favour to. And those Land-makers,
as we shall call them, justify all this by the practice of other manufacturers,
who take all they can get for the products of their hands; and because that
every one ought to live by his business as well as he can, and consequently so
ought Land-makers. Now, having before supposed it both proved and allowed,
that mankind have as equal and just a property in land as they have in liberty,
air, or the light and heat of the sun, and having also considered upon what
hard conditions they enjoy those common gifts of nature, it is plain they are
far from reaping all the advantages from them, which they may and ought to
expect.
But lest it should be said, that a system whereby they may reap more
advantages consistent with the nature of society cannot be proposed, I will
attempt to show you the outlines of such a plan.
Let it be supposed then, that the whole people in some country, after much
reasoning and deliberation, should conclude, that every man has an equal
property in the land in the neighbourhood where he resides. They therefore
resolve, that if they live in society together, it shall only be with a view,
that everyone may reap all the benefits from their natural rights and
privileges possible. Therefore, a day appointed on which the inhabitants of
each parish meet, in their respective parishes, to take their long-lost rights
into possession, and to form themselves into corporations. So then each parish
becomes a corporation, and all men who are inhabitants become members or
burgers. The land with all that appertains to it, is in every parish, made the
property of the corporation or parish with as ample power to let, repair, or
alter all or any part thereof as a lord of the manor enjoys over his lands,
houses, &c. but the power of alienating the least morsel, in any manner,
from the parish either at this or any time hereafter is denied. For it is
solemnly agreed to, by the whole nation, that a parish that shall either sell
or give away any part of its landed property, shall be looked upon with as much
horror and detestation, and used by them as if they had sold all their children
to be slaves, or massacred them with their own hands. Thus are there no more
nor other landlords in the whole country than the parishes; and each of them is
sovereign lord of its own territories.
O hearken! Ye besotted sons of men. By this one bold resolve your chains are eternally broken, and your enemies annihilated. By this one resolve, the power, the pride, and the arrogance of the landed interest, those universal and never ceasing scourges and plunderers of your race, are instantaneously and for ever broken and cut off. For being thus shorn of their revenues they become like shorn Sampson, weak as other men; weak as the poor dejected wretches whom they have so long been grinding and treading under foot.
There you may behold the rent which the people have paid into the parish
treasuries, employed by each parish in paying the government so much per pound to make up the sum, which the
parliament or national representation at any time
think requisite; in maintaining and relieving its
own poor, and people out of work; in paying the necessary Officers their
salaries; in building, repairing, and adorning its houses, bridges, and other
structures; in making and maintaining convenient and delightful streets,
highways, and passages both for foot and carriages; in making and maintaining
canals and other conveniences for trade and navigation; in planting and taking
in waste grounds; in providing and keeping up a magazine of ammunition, and all
sorts of arms sufficient for all its inhabitants in case of danger from
enemies; in premiums for the encouragement of agriculture, or anything else
thought worthy of encouragement; and, in a word, in doing whatever the people
think proper; and not, as formerly, to support and spread luxury, pride, and
all manner of vice. As for corruption in elections, it has now no being or
effect among them; all affairs to be determined by voting, either in a full
meeting of a parish, its committees, or in the house of Representatives, are
done by balloting, so that votings, or elections among them occasion no
animosities, for none need to let another know for which side he votes; all
that can be done, therefore, in order to gain a majority of votes for anything,
is to make it appear in the best light possible by speaking or writing.
Among them government does not meddle in every trifle; but on the contrary,
allows to each parish the power of putting the laws in force in all cases, and
does not interfere, but when they act manifestly to the prejudice of society,
and the rights and liberties of mankind, as established in their glorious
constitution and laws. For the judgment of a parish may be as much depended
upon as that of a house of lords, because they have as little to fear from
speaking or voting according to truth, as they.
A certain number of neighbouring parishes, as those in a town or county,
chuse delegates to represent them in
Parliament, Senate, or Congress; and each of them pays equally towards their
maintenance. They are chosen thus: all the candidates are proposed in every
parish on the same day, when the election by balloting immediately proceeds in
all the parishes at once to prevent too great a concourse at one place; and
they who are found to have a majority on a proper survey of the several
pole books are acknowledged to be their representatives.
A man by dwelling a whole year in any parish becomes a parishioner or
member of its corporation; and retains that privilege till he live a full
year in some other, when he becomes a member in that parish, and immediately
loses all his right to the former for ever, unless he chuse to go back and
recover it, by dwelling again a full year there. Thus none can be a member of
two parishes at once; and yet a man is always member of one though he move
ever so oft.
If in any parish should be dwelling strangers from foreign nations, or
people from distant parishes, who by sickness or other casualties should become
so necessitous as to require relief before they have acquired a settlement by
dwelling a full year therein; then this parish, as if it were their proper
settlement, immediately takes them under its humane protection, and the
expenses thus incurred by any parish in providing for those not properly their
own poor being taken account of, is discounted by the parish out of the first payment made to the state. Thus
poor strangers, being the poor of the State, are not looked upon with an
envious evil eye lest they should become burthensome; neither are the poor
harassed about in the extremity of distress, and perhaps in a dying condition,
to justify the litigiousness of the parishes.
All the men in every parish, at times of their own choosing, repair
together to a field for that purpose, with their officers, arms, banners, and
all sorts of martial music, in order to learn or retain the complete art of
war; there they become soldiers! Yet not to molest their neighbours
unprovoked, but to be able to defend what none have a right to dispute their
title to the enjoyment of; and woe be to them who occasion them to do this!
they would use them worse than highway-men or pirates if they got them in
their power.
There is no army kept in pay among them in times of peace; as all have
property in their own country to defend, they are
alike ready to run to arms when their country is in danger; and when an army is
to be sent abroad, it is soon raised, of ready trained soldiers, either as
volunteers or by casting lots in each parish for so many men.
Besides, as each man has a vote in all the affairs of his parish, and for
his own sake must wish well to the public, the land is let in very small
farms, which makes employment for a greater number of hands, and makes more
victualing of all kinds be raised.
There are no tolls or taxes of any kind paid among them, by native or
foreigner, but the aforesaid rent, which every person
pays to the parish, according to the quantity, quality, and conveniences of the
land, housing, &c., which he occupies in it. The government, poor,
roads, &c. &c. as said before, are all maintained by the parishes with
the rent; on which account all wares, manufactures, allowable trade employments
or actions are entirely duty free. Freedom to do anything whatever cannot there
be bought; a thing is either entirely prohibited, as theft or murder; or
entirely free to everyone without tax or price.
When houses, lands, or any tenements become vacant they are let publicly by the parish offices in seven year leases to the best bidder. This way prevents collusion to the prejudice of the parish revenue and likewise prevents partiality.
Methinks I now behold the parish republics, like fraternal or benefit societies each met at quarter-day to pay their rents and to settle their accounts as well with the state as with all their parochial officers and workmen, their several accounts having been examined some days before.
On that day which is always a day, not, as now of
sorrow, but of gladness, when the rents are all paid in, and the sum
total proclaimed, the first account to be settled is the demand made by
the national representation of so much per pound in behalf of the
state, which sum is set apart to be sent to the national treasury.
Another sum is also set apart for the parish treasury to answer
contingencies till next quarter-day. Next the salaries of the parish
officers are paid. Then are paid the respective bills of their workmen
as masons, bricklayers, carpenters, glaziers, painters, &c. who
have been employed in building or repairing the houses and other parish
buildings. After these come the paviors, lamplighters, watchmen,
scavengers, and all the other work people employed by the parish, until
none remain. Then the residue of the public money or rents after all
public demands are thus satisfied, which is always two-thirds, more or
less, of the whole sum collected, comes lastly to be disposed of, which
is the most pleasant part of the business to every one. The number of
parishioners, and the sum thus left to be divided among them being
announced, each, without respect of persons is sent home joyfully with an equal
share.
So if by sickness or mischance
To poverty some wane
Their dividend of rents will come
To set them up again.
Though I have only spoke of parishioners receiving
dividends, which may be understood as if men only were meant to share the
residue of the rents, yet I would have no objection, if the people thought
proper, to divide it among the whole number of souls, male and female,
married and single in a parish, from the infant of a day old to the second
infantage of hoary hairs. For as all of every age, legitimate and illegitimate,
have a right to live on the public common, and as that common, for the sake
of cultivation, must be let out for rent, that rent then, ought to be equally
enjoyed by every human being, instead of the soil which they are thus deprived
of.
But what makes this prospect yet more glorious
is that after this empire of right and reason is thus established, it will
stand for ever. Force and corruption attempting its downfall shall equally be
baffled, and all other nations, struck with wonder and admiration at its
happiness and stability, shall follow the example; and thus the whole earth
shall at last be happy and live like brethren.
FINIS