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From Socialist Appeal, Vol. IV No. 27, 6 July 1940, p. 4.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghanfor ETOL.
Taking advantage of Hitler and Mussolini’s preoccupation with their task of dealing a knockout blow to the British Empire, Stalin demanded and obtained the return of Bessarabia, the province which Rumania had seized from the Soviet Union in 1918. The fact that together with Bessarabia Stalin obtained the northern part of Bukovina is almost conclusive evidence that his demands were motivated by a desire to prepare defensive positions against the attack which everyone expects Hitler to launch against the Soviet Union as soon as he is through with or as soon as he makes peace with England.
If it is true that Stalin is also demanding control of the mouth of the Danube it would only strengthen the theory that he is trying to seize as many defensive positions as he possibly can while the seizing is good. To gain control of the Danubian estuary would be bearding Hitler in his den.
Did Hitler know of and acquiesce in Stalin’s actions? Speculation is rife as to whether there was an agreement between the two permitting Stalin to take Bessarabia and Bukovina, or whether the latter took what he wanted without asking his “friend” Hitler.
The statement issued by the German Legation in Bucharest to the effect that the occupation of Bessarabia was instigated by Cripps, the British ambassador to Moscow, and was nothing but a British trick to involve the Balkans in the war, conflicts with the attitude of the Berlin officials, which is, that’ the whole matter is one entirely between the Soviet Union and Rumania. The inference of this difference between Bucharest and Berlin is that Stalin acted without as much as notifying Hitler. This inference is strengthened by the haste with which the Germans in the occupied territories made their exit.
But the answer to the question as to what extent the move into Rumania was made by Stalin with the knowledge and consent of Hitler does not affect its defensive character, that is, that primarily it constitutes a further preparation of Stalin to defend himself against Hitler. The sudden despatch of tens of thousands of troops into Latvia, Lithuania and Es-thonia a few weeks ago was clear evidence that Hitler’s phenomenal success has Stalin considerably worried.
It is the defensive aspect of the move by Stalin, as against Hitler, that will keep the petty-bourgeois democrats of all varieties from going into hysterics and demanding either that the “democracies” take strong action against the Soviet Union or else that the Bessarabian workers take up arms against the Red Army.
When Stalin sent the Red Army into Finland it constituted an invasion of a “small democratic nation” and the petty-bourgeois democrats reacted so violently that they were willing to take up arms to help defeat the Red Army. Some also claimed an intention to use their arms against the Finnish army, but all were for the defeat of the Red Army.
But the petty-bourgeois democrats cannot get all heated up about Rumania as they did about Finland. Although a small country it can hardly be classed as a democracy. We can therefore expect that the “democrats” of all types, while ceremoniously referring to their theory of Stalinist imperialism and of the partnership between Hitler and Stalin to divide the British Empire if not the whole world will, however not raise much of a howl – all of which indicates the democratic roots of their opposition to the Soviet Union.
As for us we shall continue to state that a workers’ state has a right and a duty to take advantage of the conflicts and difficulties of the imperialist world in order to extend its base and strengthen its defensive positions. And we shall continue to attack the bureaucratic methods of the bureaucracy of the degenerated workers’ state when these methods alienate the sympathies of the working masses and thus nullify the gains made by virtue of the acquisition of territory and defensive outposts. To the Bessarabian workers and peasants we say: Join your brothers in the Soviet Union in the struggle against imperialism and against the Stalinist bureaucracy.
And it becomes clearer with the passing of every day that all of the defensive positions acquired by Stalin cannot possibly compensate for his crime in entering into the pact with Hitler. He thereby not only lost the support of millions of workers who considered the Soviet Union as the champion of the struggle against fascism but he also enabled Hitler to gain complete control over Europe, making certain of an attack by him on the Soviet Union without the slightest fear of any interference by France.
The factor of contending imperialist states on the European scene, a factor of tremendous importance to the safety of the Soviet Union, has been wiped out by the pact and. by the consequent victory of Hitler.
That Stalin realizes the danger of his situation is evidenced not only by his movement of troops but by a more or less clearly-indicated change of line on the part of the Stalinist parties, a change of line that has a meaning only if Stalin is cautiously preparing a shift towards the “democracies.” For the past two months or so the Stalinists have been attacking German imperialism as well as Allied imperialism and now they have launched a campaign against the Munich men in the English cabinet and for a people’s government to continue the struggle against Hitler.
It may not be long before the Stalinists will discover that there has been such a change in the constitution of the English government that to support the “democracies” against Hitler will become the sacred duty of the working masses.
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