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From New Militant, Vol. II No. 9, 29 February 1936, pp. 1 & 4.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line (ETOL).
Some new verbal broadsides have been fired in the ever sharpening conflict between the A.F. of L. craft union bureaucrats and the official leaders of the Committee for Industrial Organization. At the same time the repercussions from this conflict begin to penetrate deeply into the broadest layers of the movement.
In the name of the Executive Council, Wm. Green has issued a warning to all local and federal unions, to all State Federations and city central labor bodies, that it will not tolerate any organization that “gives allegiance, assistance or support to the Committee for Industrial Organization, or any other organization which attempts to usurp the functions of the American Federation of Labor.” While no exact penalties were specified, it is reported that the intention is to revoke the charters of any organization found guilty of giving such allegiance.
In reply the C.I.O. once again defied the Executive Council and indicated that it would continue its work. Not only did the C.I.O. refuse to dissolve but it challenged the A.F. of L. to undertake a serious campaign of organization in the steel industry, to which the committee would contribute a half million dollars and the services of trained organizers. Two conditions, however, the C.I.O. Considered necessary for success: Firstly, that the “organization must be along industrial lines,” and, secondly, “the leadership of the campaign must be such as to inspire confidence of success.”
With these developments it becomes increasingly clear that fundamentally the conflict in the A.F. of L. centers around the issue of organization of the millions of unorganized workers, and especially those employed in the basic industries.
Naturally the steel industry occupies in this respect a pivotal position. To the trade unionists, real security of organization is unthinkable without the inclusion of the steel industry. The full extension of the powers of union organization is well nigh impossible with the steel industry remaining unorganized. Moreover, the steel barons, fighting to preserve their feudal power, have for a long time been the backbone of the employers resistance to every working class advance. An aggressive campaign for the organization of the steel industry is therefore becoming an ever more pressing necessity.
Thus the threat made by the craft union bureaucrats of disciplinary measures to be taken against the unions that may give allegiance and support to the C.I.O., has been met by a challenge to organize the unorganized. There need be little doubt which is the most effective. And this applies not only with regard, to the steel workers, who by several recent manifestations of revolt appearing even in their company unions have shown their growing readiness for reorganization; it applies to the whole trade union movement. The C.I.O. scored a real advantage in these recent broadsides and gained new support. It also made clearer the direction in which it is headed.
As a result new forces are rallying to the movement for industrial unionism. The automobile workers union and the rubber workers union have for some time been on the most friendly terms with the C.I.O. Judging from all present indications both of these union are drawing closer to its standard. The radio workers union and the flat glass worker union have now decided definitely to expand on the basis of an industrial form of organization. It may not be amiss to add that insofar as present trends are concerned, it is characteristic that all of these unions which are the first to rally to the industrial union movement operate in mass production industries. But the growing support given to the program of the C.I.O. is by no means confined to these unions. Several central labor bodies and numerous local craft unions have expressed their sympathy and support to this new movement.
It is to be expected that the craft union bureaucrats will retaliate, in the face of this growing support, with arbitrary measures of expulsion, not merely of individual members but of whole organizations. When confronted with the possibility that progressive ideas may take root and spread, they know of no restraint. In such possibilities they see a threat to their own reactionary domination. About this they make no mistakes. A real incentive to active unionization, they know will mean new and more bitter struggles against the monopoly corporations which are determined to resist; and of such struggles they are sworn enemies.
But it is equally reasonable to assume that the industrial union movement will find it necessary to draw closer together in defense of the elementary trade union rights of democracy and freedom of expression of ideas. The industrial union movement will be compelled to rally to the assistance of every union that is victimized by the craft union bureaucrats. Thus there are hardly prospects of moderation of the conflict in the A.F. of L. Present indications point rather in the direction of a sharpening of the conflict all along the line.
But this is only the one side of the present situation. As is already implied in the offer made of active assistance to a campaign of organization of the steel industry, the industrial union movement, in order to rally the support it needs, will find itself ever more actively engaged in the organization of the unorganized. As a matter of fact many unions already call upon the C.I.O. for assistance in organization campaigns.
The outcome of this conflict is momentous for the American working class. A beginning has been made. An aggressive policy of organization and a program of industrial unionism is the need of the moment. This the C.I.O. Has brought forward and on this basis a movement is taking form. Militant workers should have no difficulty in finding their place within it.
The beginning that has been made may open up a new period of union organization such as has seldom been witnessed before in this country. It has the possibility of laying the foundation now of a trade union movement that is geared to modern methods of production. But the struggle that this movement will experience before its existence is assured will have the effect of elevating it to a higher level of consciousness. On the basis of the old craft union ideology and in the spirit of class-collaboration it would be inconceivable. It can be born and grow only in the fire of the class struggle; and from the class struggle it will receive an indelible imprint that will help to shape its outlook and its policies.
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