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From New Militant, Vol. II No. 19, 16 May 1936, p. 2.
Transcribed & marked up by Einde O’Callaghan for the Encyclopaedia of Trotskyism On-Line (ETOL).
During the last few weeks the plea for Roosevelt’s re-election has gained new converts and new adherents with amazing speed from the trade union movement. It is taking on the character of a clean sweep. By the manner in which the plea is presented, and in view of the present objective conditions, it is not at all surprising that the labor party question fades into the background with the same ease that tills sweep gains in momentum. Or, perhaps it would be more correct to say that the labor perambulator is being hooked onto the Roosevelt bandwagon.
This stampede started last January when John L. Lewis whooped
through the United Mine Workers convention a unanimous resolution for
Roosevelt’s re-election. Following this lead Labor’s
Non-Partisan League came into being. It was sponsored by the
Lewis-Hillman forces. The American Federation of Hosiery Workers
convention and the Amalgamated Clothing Workers General Executive
Board next fell in line. Two international union presidents, David
Dubinsky and Emil Rieve quickly deserted the Socialist Party for
their new and real allegiance. Wm. Green, on the opening day of the
A.F. of L. Executive Council second quarterly meeting, advocated the
President’s re-election. And two days before this the delegates
to the United Automobile Workers convention voted without a
dissenting voice to support the Roosevelt candidacy.
Nobody will suspect that the automobile workers harbored feelings of special gratitude to Roosevelt. They cannot possibly have forgotten his infamous automobile agreement which was foisted upon them during the spring of 1934. This agreement they looked upon then as a definite setback to their aims and efforts; and such it proved to be. It brought about the hated Automobile Labor Relations Board headed by Wollman. It strengthened, for the time being the stranglehold of Wm. Green and Collins, later supplanted by Dillon, and postponed the organization of the autonomous international union so much desired by the organized automobile workers.
No, these are not the reasons for their endorsement of Roosevelt.
The decision of the auto workers convention simply means that it
follows the lead of the Committee for Industrial Organization. This
is of double significance when viewed in relation to the labor party
question. It must be remembered that on the whole the unions of the
C.I.O. and its supporting unions, like the auto workers, represents
the section of organized labor which is traveling in a progressive
direction. This Is indisputable. It is also the section of organized
labor that has shown the greatest vitality and growth, and
particularly so when a comparison is made with a number of unions,
distinctly craft in make-up and in spirit, which have remained
stagnant for some time, or actually lost ground.
These facts only lend so much more emphasis to what has been stated in these columns more than once: There is not a serious movement on foot, nor are there any serious forces available for a national labor party, or farmer-labor party or third party in 1936. Those who still attempt to create the impression that there are, like the Stalinists do, are simply up to their old pernicious game of deception. An editorial in the May 7 Daily Worker finally acknowledges that “A Farmer-Labor Presidential ticket in 1936 is now out of the question,” but it maintains that the prospects are as good as ever for a farmer-labor party this year. Tills is equally pernicious and deceptive.
Superficially it may seem as if the fervent desires nurtured by
the Stalinists were to be realized through the conference call sent
out by the Minnesota Farmer-Labor Party. However, the appearance in
this case is also deceptive. The conference call is Issued only to
individuals, not to organizations. Obviously these individuals are
expected to do nothing more than to explore the possibilities for a
labor party. But what they are to explore becomes further clear in
the announcement that a farmer-labor presidential ticket Is not to be
considered at this conference. In other words, the sponsors of the
conference consider the presidential ticket to be a matter settled by
the Roosevelt reelection indorsements. Nothing further remains to be
explored but how to swing the labor party sentiment successfully into
this reelection campaign.
A Labor party sentiment has been recorded in a number of local unions. Much of it is motivated on progressive grounds. To an extent it arises out of disappointment with promised New Deal measures which were not realized; to an extent also out of disappointment with conditions under the “New Deal blessings.” Above all it arises out of fears of reaction and an instinctive but unclear fear of Fascism. But, in view of the general lack of understanding of what the requirements of a party of the workers must be, it is particularly these fears that help to drive the organized workers in marching formation into the Roosevelt camp.
It would be ridiculous to expect that local unions should take the
initiative in organizing a national labor party apart from or in
opposition to their parent bodies. It would be worse than ridiculous
to assume that such a party can be brought about without the
organizations of the industrial union bloc and its leaders as well.
However much the Stalinists may put forward an appearance and attempt
to invest it with the qualities of something real, however much they
may try to convene labor party gatherings made up of singing
societies and hiking clubs, to be addressed by liberal celebrities,
these efforts will not carry any social weight. At best they will
only furnish new arguments for the Roosevelt camp followers.
The stampede for Roosevelt has been cleverly manipulated by the deliberate and carefully planned policies emanating from the White House and from the “progressive” labor leaders. Roosevelt and his brain trusters – whatever is left of them, not to forget the corrupting patronage dispenser, Jim Farley – have for some time had their eyes on the November elections. Special emphasis has been laid in all the promissory notes upon the labor legislative program, the alleged social security measures, the tax program to soak the rich, the need of curbing .Wall Street and the need of preventing the invasion of the people’s rights by the courts. Roosevelt declares himself to be against war and Fascist tyrannies and for a “people’s government.” By these ingenious campaign devices, the Rooseveltians aimed, and rather successfully to forestall the emergence of a labor party, or a third party, in 1936.
The adept pupils of these demagogic cunning devices, who are
holding high posts in the progressive union bloc, follow up the
campaign in the same high key. They are for aggressive unionization,
for industrial unionism and against reaction. John L. Lewis started
the ball rolling at the U.M.W. convention with a mighty attack on the
Liberty League. An easy target. These leaders are now all against war
and Fascist tyrannies and they also have broad views on the people’s
front. It is therefore not at all unnatural they they should direct
the genuine fears of reaction and the fears of war and Fascism into
the safe channels in support of Roosevelt’s reelection. With a
little manipulation that can easily be interpreted, and even in the
prevailing labor party and people’s front jargon if necessary,
as symbolizing the fight against reaction.
Of course, the truth is that these “progressive” leaders, in harmony with Roosevelt, do not want a labor party, or a third party and certainly not before their own preparations are well done; not until they are sure that they can keep it within the proper reformist bounds. Even then they can be expected to yield only to pressure. Their aim can then be expected to be to utilize such a development to counterpose the growth of a revolutionary movement. As solid converts to the New Deal, they aim to lay out the line of march with Roosevelt today and perpetuate his program tomorrow – if need by, by means of a third party.
Today they attempt to make a distinction between Roosevelt and the Democratic Party. How can any real distinction be possible? Roosevelt is the standard bearer of his party – one of the two capitalist parties. From this party he receives his mandate and this carries with it the duty to serve finance capital. Need there be any doubt that this is the responsibility to which he will remain loyal even more decisively and unequivocally after his reelection.
The trade union support of Roosevelt could not be unexpected. It is destined to go down in history as one of the great illusions of 1936. It has become possible primarily due to the lack of revolutionary education of the working class. After 1936 new disillusionments are sure to begin. Will a third party carrying on the New Deal tradition and program then prove a solution? Most decisively not! And it is well to remember that this is the only kind of a labor party that can reasonably be expected. Hence there remains one main conclusion to draw. Today and tomorrow the struggle for Socialism must go on.
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