Second International | The 1889 Congresses | Proceedings of First Congress (Possibilist)
—72—
Despite the early hour, there are many delegates present from the beginning of the session.
The appointees are: Chairmen, citizens Limanowski, a Polish delegate, and A. Dubois, of the Chambre Syndicale of iron boilermakers; assessors: citizens J. Darma Christie, a Scottish delegate, and Loupe, a delegate from the Ardennes; secretary: Citizen Rénier.
Citizen Limanowski, the Polish delegate, thanks Congress for the mark of sympathy it has granted his unhappy country by calling on Poland's sole representative to be chair.
The Congress then passes some resolutions, among others that of the citizen Simcox, in favour of a universal organization of the socialist workers' Party on the basis of corporative associations of resistance. [1]
It is decided that this resolution and all those that the Congress has voted or will vote on will be transmitted to the future Conference in Berne.[2]
The Ardennes delegation wants night work to be better remunerated and the state to be responsible for children to give them a complete education.
Citizen Limanowski, chairman, succceeds in having a resolution adopted wishing for each nationality to preserve or recover its political identity.
Congress declares that all peoples, using all means, must regain their national, social and political freedom.
—73— Next, discussion of the second item on the Congress agenda begins:
2. What are the most practical means to use for establishing permanent relations between workers' organizations in all countries without compromising their autonomy.Citizen H.-M. Hyndman, delegate of the General Council of the Social Democratic Federation for London, tables the following resolution, amended during the discussion by Citizen Lavy:
Congress affirms the principle that each nationality is the best judge of the political and social tactics it must follow.
For the purpose of international correspondence, an office will be formed by the Chambres Syndicales in each country.
A similar correspondence office will be formed by the socialist parties in every region where there is no national Committee; in countries where there is, the national Committee would fulfill this function.
These Committees will meet once every three months, or more often if necessary, for correspondence and reaching agreements.
Citizen Hyndman adds that there is no issue more important than the international organization of the Chambres Syndicales; so far, the English socialists have taken second palace to trade unionists in the discussions. But he wants the French socialists to know that their co-religionists across the Channel are always ready to follow their red flag of workers' demands.
He advocates international understanding, but each must be master of its particular tactics. We do not need a permanent central Council, which would inevitably become authoritarian. A Committee that will facilitate communications from one country to another is enough. He does not want an alliance that would lay its hands on the national autonomy of each group.
—74— There are moderately socialist Trade Unions and more advanced Socialist Democrats in London; the same in America, in France, in Holland. These two factions must come to an understanding, first by nationality, then between nations, thanks to this Committee of which he has just spoken. This Committee should meet depending on the number of matters to be dealt with.
We must not believe that these reductions in working hours, these wage increases of four sous per hour are the ultimate demands of the proletariat; the employers will replace men by machines.
No! it is necessary to see further and to follow the emancipation of the worker through to the end, which will be reached only when he is no longer a slave, that is to say when he holds in his hands land, machines and means of transportation. Anything less will be a hopeless palliative.
This admirable speech, eloquently translated by Citizen A.S. Headingley, moved all the delegates deeply, gripped by this disdain for speculative discussions and this concern for, this brilliant foregrounding of, the practical, achievable side of the socialist program.
Citizen Cooper of the London Trade Unions congratulates Citizen Hyndman on his words of peace and understanding between the two great factions of English socialism. For his part, he supports with all his might the resolution of his eminent opponent, as he always supports him by word and by votes. But here he can only speak for himself. If Hyndman had made these proposals for union, for common action, as early as last year, the Trade Unions would certainly have given their delegates a mandate to accept this proposal.
Meanwhile he points out to Congress the blameworthy behaviour of the Parliamentary Committee of the Trades Unions, which did not forward the invitation that —75— the French Organizing Committee of the Congress had sent them to all the trade unions.
Incidentally he demonstrates that the Trades Unions are not as unprogressive as Citizen Hyndman would have them believe. In their 1888 Annual Congress they voted for the principle of the socialization of land and mines.
Once again, he will do his best to bring about an understanding between the Trades Unions and the Social Democratic Federation so that, uniting their efforts, they can advance towards further conquests for the definitive, universal emancipation of the workers.
The Spanish delegate Baldomero Oller says just a few words, translated by citizeness Simcox, to recommend the protection of the national associations by an international alliance. As for the correspondence committees, there should be one for each nationality.
Citizen Greenwood, delegate of the English glassmakers, would support the project of an international alliance, but he would like there to be periodical publication of statistics on the moral, political and social situation of workers by nationality; a Central Committee would receive all these reports and communicate them to everyone after having previously translated them. He recalls that, during the last strike by glassmakers in France, their English comrades were forced to return letters which they had not been able to read. Citizen S. Headingley points out to him that this resolution had been voted for at the last Congress in London, and that, in this case, the labour exchanges were entrusted with this work of international correspondence.
On behalf of the French delegates, Citizen Lavy thanks Citizen Greenwood for his dedication and for the humanity of the English glassmakers during the strike of their French comrades, who received five thousand francs from them.
He notes that professional questions, which the foreign delegates are elaborating on here, are in the —76— domain of the Chambres Syndicales which should communicate internationally to resolve them when required.
As for correspondence, which is being discussed here, the national committees, where they exist, suffice to facilitate exchanges and to make international relations useful and quick.
It is therefore pointless to create an international central Committee which could become too dangerous. Moreover, he is pleased to see that this is the opinion of all the men present at the Congress who care about their dignity and their person. We must leave this way of doing things to those who need directing from above, who need a master.
The central Committee confines itself to transmitting the information of all to all; it does not make the rules, it follows the rules set by those who have given it their mandate.
Each keeps his person, his individuality; each is his own master in his own house. That is the proud affirmation that must emerge from this Congress.
No closed socialist sect, but a school widely open to all comers of any worth.
Citizen Fenwick, Member of Parliament, delegate for the Northumberland miners and trade unionist, reproaches the Social Democratic Federation with wanting to advance too abruptly by leaps, and with wanting to transform the hell of the workers into an enchanting Eden by waving a magic wand.
For him, for trade unionists, you have to go slowly, counting and recounting the results according to the effort they have cost. The best way to progress is education, which unfortunately the worker lacks. It must be provided to him complete, both theoretical and technical. Everyone must learn French or English, future debates will gain by it in brevity and interest.
Finally, he concludes by affirming that citizen Greenwood's resolution —77— aiming at the creation of an international statistical committee is sufficient and must replace the resolution from the socialist delegate Hyndman.
The meeting is now adjourned.
The debate will continue in the afternoon session.
1. Edith Jemima Simcox, feminist and trade unionist, and a Fabian. There are no further references to these 'associations corporatives de résistance', and no further context to understand the meaning of this resolution.
2. The intergovernmental conference on labour legislation was due to be held in Berne. Both the Marxist and the Possibilist congresses intended to provide a workingman's or socialist position on the issues for consideration by the Berne conference. In the end the conference was moved to Berlin, and held in May 1890.